Foucault the Marxist?
How does Foucault reconstitute Marxist thought so as to apply it to sex?
At first read, it is difficult to perceive Michel Foucault’s strain of Marxist influence. He does not address the bourgeoisie, the proletariat, or the means of production. In fact, in this excerpt, economics do not figure a predominant role. Indeed, his terminology foregoes the usual jargon and exchanges it for language such as power and discourse. These terms remain vague and have less political overtone then Gramsci’s use of hegemony or Althusser’s RSAs and ISAs. Yet, Gramsci and Althuser are crucial to a conceptual understanding of Foucault’s underlying assumptions. Although Foucault’s development and application of Marxist thought is highly original, he remains a Marxist in his theoretical approach.
Gramsci is a crucial, yet subdued, consideration within Foucault’s argument. The premise that everyone is an intellectual accedes to ideology a quotidian exercise that reinforces the ideology of the controlling class and their traditional intellectuals. As Gramsci elucidates, ideology is “’mediated’ by the whole fabric of society and by the complex of superstructures, of which the intellectuals are, precisely, the ‘functionaries’” (1142). Foucault structures his argument around the functionary role of private institutions in regulating sexual behaviors (e.g. doctors, psychologist, and families). Without the private efforts of intellectuals (i.e. everyone) at rooting out deviants and perverts, the extrapolation of sexual identities could not have been accomplished.
Still, Althusser’s theorization, based largely on Gramsci, formulates the structure of Foucault’s theory. Although Foucault does not borrow from Althusser’s vocabulary or wretched prose, the influence of hegemony and ideology is evident in Foucault’s formulation of power and discourse. The crux of Foucault’s argument is reliant on Althusser’s Ideological State Apparatus that functions “massively and predominantly by ideology” as well as, in the second resort, to repression (1342). However, Foucault reconfigures ideology into an “analytical discourse” that objectified and rationalized sex, and which was then “meant to yield multiple effects of displacement, intensification, reorientation, and modification of desire itself” (1506. 1512). Yes, the discourse repressed those non-normative sexualities, but in order to do so it had to essentially discover them. In such a way, “sex was taken charge of, tracked down as it were, by a discourse that aimed to allow it no obscurity, no respite” (1504). Foucault follows Althusser’s argumentation that “the ideology of ideology…recognizes…that the ideas of a human subject exist in his actions…and if that is not the case, it lends him other ideas corresponding to the actions (however perverse) that he does perform” (1354). Actions then situate ideology in the material realm and are thus subject to the same ideological formulations as ideas. Therein, until the taxonomy of sexual tendencies was accomplished, discourse remained powerless where it was ignorant. Indeed, Althusser had already formulated that “ideology has the function…of ‘constituting’ concrete individuals as subjects” so that “there is no practice except by and in an ideology…[and] there is no ideology except by the subject and for the subject” (1355). Within this framework, discourse gained ever more power as it inculcated ever more subjects through its proliferation of sexual categories. A “centrifugal movement with respect to heterosexual monogamy” flourished as discourse penetrated the peripheries of society’s sexuality, allowing the normative heterosexual monogamous married couple a silence in the discourse (1514). Such silence allows the normative couple the agency to operate undefined thus relatively untrammeled within the discourse.
As delineated, Foucault’s argument does rely on the material focus of Marxist philosophy. However, it broaches an area of reality that was once thought to be independent, purely biological, and impregnates it with ideological, or discursive, awareness. Hegemony, or power, as argued by Foucault, is reproduced in even the most intimate of actions or thoughts. Although Foucault does not address the traditional questions of Marxism, his theorization is deeply embedded in that strain of thought.


